“When they have a state and when they won’t have the everyday reality of going through an Israeli checkpoint, they’ll have something to lose.” I asked him if he believes Palestinians would still dream of a greater Palestine, and he responded that “it is O.K. In January, I had met with Rantisi, who was a pediatrician; I asked how he could justify harming Israeli children. He grunted a reply. To revisit this article, visit My Profile, then View saved stories. And Froman is naïve to believe that the Palestinians would accept them. “I will read you a verse,” he said. “He should die,” Ezra said. Many Orthodox Jews, especially in the early days of Zionism, believed that Herzl and his comrades were heretics. Begin, guided by his agriculture minister, Ariel Sharon, began placing them on the outskirts of Arab cities such as Bethlehem, Nablus, and Ramallah. Dudkevitch, a sour-faced man in his thirties who was dressed in a black suit and a white shirt, is a person of influence among yet another type of radical settler, the “hilltop youth”—teen-agers and young men who have built makeshift settlements, sometimes out of nothing more than rusting shipping containers, on remote mountaintops. For Ya’alon, the occupation of Gaza and the West Bank—or, in his view, the reoccupation, given that during the period of the Oslo peace process the Palestinians had a great deal of autonomy in their cities—has forced his Army to confront the moral dilemmas inherent in the suppression of a hostile civilian population. The borders of Israel, in the view of Jewish religious nationalists, are drawn by God, and one does not negotiate with God. Not all of them were shot by soldiers who were under fire. Sharon’s actions against the Palestinians will not stop terrorism, and his actions against outposts will not stop the settlement expansion. He sees it as a partial step, designed to avoid, rather than confront, the hardest issues facing Israel. Even many leftists have come to this conclusion. What was Saddam Hussein doing on the wall, I asked. Ya’alon seemed fatalistic about the burdens placed on his Army, by his enemies and by the country’s political leadership. I said hello. It was the farmers of the socialist kibbutzim who came to symbolize the restored strength of the Jewish people. Just bomb the hell out of them.”. One day a few months ago, Moshe Saperstein, who lives in Neveh Dekalim, the biggest Jewish settlement in Gaza, picked me up at the junction that marks the border between Gaza and Israel. Israel believed that al-Wazir, who was better known as Abu Jihad—the Father of Holy War—was coördinating, from Tunis, the first Palestinian intifada, which had begun four months earlier. Who supplies soldiers to protect Migron? The Israelis, faced with the choice of retreating or returning fire, returned fire. I told him that I was waiting for a woman named Anat Cohen. The community of Yitzhar, in the mountains near Nablus, is one of the flagship settlements of the zealots. When Israel withdrew its forces from southern Lebanon, four years ago, Hezbollah, Israel’s foremost Lebanese foe, declared victory, and argued that the continual killing of Israelis by Palestinians would eventually destroy the Zionist spirit. They also discerned a strategic value to settlement; these kipa-wearing pioneers would keep watch over the newly conquered Arabs, and they would help protect Israel’s middle—at its narrowest, Israel is nine miles wide. If my grandfather hadn’t come here from Germany in 1936—” He paused. “Jewish terrorism is liable to create a substantial threat, and to turn the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians into a confrontation between thirteen million Jews and one billion Muslims across the world,” Dichter said. But he has not succeeded. “It should be done in a more sensitive way,” Ya’alon said. Cohen’s one-year-old son, who is named after her late brother, burst into the room, spilling Cheerios. It is less popular now. The soldier, a paratrooper in the Israeli Army’s Fighting Pioneer Youth Brigade, was guarding Hadassah House, a three-story building where several families of settlers live. (The Muslim mosque and shrine that cover the site now are in the way of the imagined Third Temple.) Thirty-seven years later, there are roughly two hundred and thirty-five thousand settlers in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Benches that had been placed in rows in front of an Ark were mostly empty. His parents raised him in a town in northern Israel that was a bastion of the Labor Party. Four months earlier, Yassin had been the target of an Israeli assassination attempt. “I don’t like this mission. No one has ever succeeded in doing this without dehumanization.”. Across from Hadassah House is a school for Arab girls, called Córdoba, after the once-Muslim Spanish city. This I know -- Barry loved his family more than life itself. Anat is happy to have the opportunity to serve the South Jersey community as a member of the team at Apple Physical Therapy. The early Zionists drew on modern ideals of nationalism and liberal democracy, not on the teachings of rabbis. And, in the northern West Bank, soldiers, with considerably more politesse, attempted to dismantle the Yitzhar Lookout. Sixty years ago, for many Jews, land was life, and Palestine meant salvation. If we were willing to kill their civilians, this war would be over in a week. It is also the part of the West Bank most densely populated by Arabs. Moshe Feiglin, a Likud activist who lives in a West Bank settlement and heads the Jewish Leadership bloc within the Party—he controls nearly a hundred and fifty of the Likud central committee’s three thousand members—believes that the Bible, interpreted literally, should form the basis of Israel’s legal system. The system is neither as elaborate nor as pervasive as South African apartheid, and it is, officially, temporary. I can say as a rabbi that God will not be happy with any Israeli government that tries to give away this land.”, We sat for a while on the rocks. Last week, there were more fatalities in Rafah, after the Army fired on a demonstration; at least four children were killed. A woman achieved it more easily. Muhammad, their prophet, was a robber and a killer and a liar. Settlers near Hadassah House, on the street the Jews call King David Street and the Arabs call Martyrdom Street, in Hebron, which is home to almost eight hundred settlers and a hundred and fifty thousand Arabs. (In Cohen’s house, there is an image of the Temple Mount in which the Dome of the Rock has been replaced by a rendering of an imagined Third Temple, which, tradition holds, will rise when the Messiah comes.) The leaders of the Jewish national-religious camp do not adhere to observable reality. From Arafat’s point of view, this is what he wants. Until the Jewish people realize that we are fighting a nation that has vowed to destroy us, our mission won’t be completed. I’m telling you, he’s in trouble. On Palestinian Authority television two years ago, Arafat was asked if he had a message for Palestinian children. They can stop terrorist attacks. Three years ago, Seth’s son Koby and a friend skipped school for the day and came to the wadi. And where are our Shechem and our Jericho? The Germans were the victims of the Jews.”. “We don’t want to kill theirs.”. Anat took a few years off to raise her children, while maintaining an active PT license and the required continuing education certification. On our way to Beit El and Ofra one day, we stopped at an outpost called Migron, the largest of the illegal settlements in the West Bank. Jewish children are among the targets of sacrifice, but some extremists sacrifice their own children as well, dispatching them on suicide missions, and using them as shields when they attack Israeli soldiers. “But why shouldn’t a Jew live in Hebron?”. . Over lunch, I asked Saperstein and Rachel, who teaches English in the settlement’s girls’ school, why they had chosen a remote and dangerous settlement in Gaza rather than one of the urban settlements near Jerusalem. As he was walking to the dining hall of an Army base in the West Bank, he came across a group of Palestinian prisoners, sitting in the open sun. “Now the clash is very, very near,” Haetzni said. “He shouldn’t be here at all. In Jerusalem, I spoke to Ya’acov Rotblit, an icon of the peace movement—he wrote its anthem, “A Song for Peace.” He told me that he now thought that the movement had been motivated by “wishful thinking.”, I asked him how far to the right he had moved. In the Israeli mind, Gaza—a strip of land shaped like a sardine can, and running from south of Tel Aviv to the Egyptian border—is synonymous with sand dunes and refugee camps, wilting heat and the fierce anti-Semitism of the Islamic terror group Hamas, whose most fervent followers are based there. “I hate, I despise your feast days, and I will not be appeased by your solemn assemblies,” he told the Israelites. Halfway through the journey, Hamdoun lost consciousness and began to hemorrhage. In Gaza three years ago, I witnessed Hamas gunmen firing at Israeli jeeps from behind a screen of children throwing rocks. A brigade of soldiers, coils of razor wire, and hundreds of concrete barriers stand between Hebron’s fewer than eight hundred Jewish settlers and its hundred and fifty thousand Arab residents. He said, “The world is full of pain. It is populated by an esoteric assortment of marginal Jews—Jewish Defense League veterans from Brooklyn, Russian pensioners, poor Yemenite farmers, Lubavitcher Hasidim, and a group of recent Peruvian converts to Judaism. Can we ever forsake them?” (Shechem was a Biblical city near present-day Nablus.). The Jewish settlement of Tekoa, on the edge of the Judaean desert, northeast of Hebron, is built near the site of the ancient Jewish village of the same name. Froman has formed his own peace camp, in a manner of speaking. When he lived in New York, he ran the local branch of Kach, the Kahanist political party, and was known as Mike Guzofsky. A flight of broad stone steps leads to the main hall of the tomb. The Israelis drove to an apartment building that was the home of Khalil al-Wazir, the second-ranking official, after Yasir Arafat, in the Palestine Liberation Organization. . “We’ve lived for so many years in exile, we’ve forgotten what it is to be a powerful and ruling people,” he said. The squatters stayed, and a community grew up around them. Past the brow of a high ridge, the entrance to a dry riverbed came into view. I have my pride, they have their pride. It’s very typical. “It’s humiliating. He served thirteen weeks in an Israeli jail for the killing. The Hamdouns spent the next four hours driving a circuitous and bumpy back road to Nablus, which is, via the Army checkpoint, only fifteen minutes away.

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